Showing posts with label classified documents. Show all posts
Showing posts with label classified documents. Show all posts

Thursday, January 15, 2009

The Nuclear Vault: The Iranian Nuclear Program, 1974-1978

Newly Declassified Documents Reveal Remarkable Continuity with Today's U.S.-Iran Nuclear Controversy

National Security Archive Electronic Briefing Book No. 268

Edited by William Burr
For more information contact:
William Burr - 202/994-7032

President Gerald R. Ford and the Shah of Iran confer over a map during the Shah's May 1975 visit to Washington, D.C. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger sits in the background. (Photo courtesy of Gerald R. Ford Presidential Library)

Washington, D.C., January 13, 2009 - During the 1970s the Shah of Iran argued, like current Iranian leaders today, for a nuclear energy capability on the basis of national "rights," while the Ford and Carter administrations worried about nuclear weapons possibilities, according to newly declassified documents published today by the National Security Archive for the first time.  Uranium enrichment capability is now the major point of controversy between Tehran and the world community, while during the 1970s Washington's greatest concern was that Iran sought a capability to produce plutonium, but in both instances the implication was that a nuclear weapons option might not be far away.

 

The documents, obtained by the Archive through a mandatory review request, show that two U.S. presidents dealing with the Shah of Iran, Ford and Carter, put concerns over proliferation and the Shah's possible desire to build a nuclear bomb front and center when they approved negotiating positions for a deal to sell nuclear reactors to Iran.  While Iranian officials argued then, as they do today, that Iran had "rights" under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty to develop nuclear technology, the U.S. government successfully sought an agreement that put nonproliferation controls over U.S.-supplied nuclear material.

 

The 1979 Iranian Revolution derailed the agreement, but the approach that the Ford and Carter administrations took shows significant continuity with contemporary U.S. and world policy, which holds that Iran must not use its technological capabilities to produce nuclear weapons. The documents contradict the 2005 claim by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger that non-proliferation was not an issue in the 1970s negotiations; this was a "commercial transaction," Kissinger told The Washington Post.

 

The 1970s nuclear negotiations have other parallels with the current situation.  The Bush administration has raised questions about Iranian claims that its interest in a nuclear energy program are peaceful, while the declassified record indicates that U.S. policy-makers during the 1970s were also skeptical of, but ultimately willing to accept, the Shah's similar claims, as long as a nuclear agreement with Iran restricted its freedom of action in the nuclear field.  Significantly, the Bush administration also disparages Iran's assertion that it needs to develop alternative fuels in anticipation of the eventual decline in the country's extensive oil reserves.  But the Shah and his government made the exact same statements in the 1970s. 

 

The record also shows that the Shah's regime and the current Iranian government have made the same claims that their pursuit of nuclear technology was an inherent national entitlement.  No country "has a right to dictate nuclear policy to another," said the Shah's chief atomic energy official in 1977.

 

Among the disclosures in the new documents:

  • In 1974 Department of State officials wrote that if the Shah's dictatorship collapsed and Iran became unstable, "domestic dissidents or foreign terrorists might easily be able to seize any special nuclear material stored in Iran for use in bombs."  Moreover, "an aggressive successor to the Shah might consider nuclear weapons the final item needed to establish Iran's complete military dominance of the region."
  • According to national security adviser Brent Scowcroft, the Ford administration hoped that the Shah would commit himself to a "major act of nuclear statesmanship: namely, to set a world example by foregoing national reprocessing."
  • When officials from Oak Ridge National Laboratory received briefings on the planned Esfehan Nuclear Technology Center (ENTEC), they concluded that the "bears watching" because "unusually large" size of the facility "makes it theoretically possible to produce weapons-grade material (plutonium)" and the ENTEC plans include a "large hot lab," the first step toward reprocessing.
  • Questioning U.S. efforts to restrict Tehran's freedom of action, Iranian officials argued that "Iran should have full right to decide whether to reprocess" and the "right to effective control of the management and operation of … reprocessing facilities."
  • By the summer of 1978, Tehran and Washington had overcome differences and agreed to a nuclear pact that met U.S. concerns and the Shah's interest in buying reactors, but the agreement closely restricted Iran's ability to produce plutonium or any other nuclear weapons fuel using U.S. supplied material without Washington's "agreement." 

Drawing on the new documents, National Security Archive senior analyst William Burr has written an article to give perspective to the nuclear talks: "A Brief History of U.S.-Iranian Nuclear Negotiations," now appearing on-line in the January-February 2009 issue of The Bulletin of the Atomic Scientists.  While the documents available so far illuminate the negotiations, more needs to be learned from U.S. government files.  To a great extent the intelligence side of the story remains an unknown. So far, the Central Intelligence Agency has denied all documents gleaned from the Archive's mandatory review request, although they are presently under appeal.

The Nuclear Vault: The Iranian Nuclear Program, 1974-1978

Friday, January 9, 2009

Prying open the CIA’s X-Files



Leon Panetta in his upcoming position as Director of Central Intelligence is expected to be more than just a dependable ally for President-Elect Obama in the tough world of national intelligence. As the former Director of the Office of Management and Budget (1993-1994) and Chief of Staff to President Clinton (1994-1997), Panetta brings much executive office experience and mental toughness. He will need all that and more to force the CIA to disclose its X-Files on UFOs and extraterrestrial life.
The last time a democratic administration recruited an outsider to head the CIA and pry open its secrets resulted in dismal failure. James Woolsey lacked the experience and mental toughness to get the CIA to release its X-Files. Woolsey admitted privately that he had approached the CIA to reveal its secret files on UFOs but was denied access. Woolsey said: "You know, they are treating me like a bag-man, that goes up to Capitol Hill, gets their 30 billion dollars for the intelligence community, and brings it back. You know I really don’t know anything that’s going on that’s sensitive."Woolsey’s CIA subordinates refused to give him access to UFO information and used many forms of subterfuge to frustrate his efforts. According to one senior national security official, Woolsey “was too trusting, and that made him easy prey. He wasn’t ready for people lying to him when he was loyal to them." Woolsey ultimately failed in getting the CIA to reveal anything more than a sanitized report of public sightings of UFOs released in 1996 that was titled: the "CIA’s Role in the Study of UFOs, 1947-1990."
Panetta’s stint as Clinton’s Chief of Staff indicates that he has the mental toughness to take on a vast intelligence bureaucracy that is skilled in deception, and denying ‘intelligence outsiders’ access to the CIA’s X-Files. Panetta will need to identify key subordinates in the CIA who have the keys to the CIA’s X-Files. Career officers like Stephen Kappes a 27 year agency veteran who became Deputy Director for Operations in 2004, and is currently Deputy Director of the CIA, will undoubtedly have access. Kappes will need to be pressured by Panetta to turn over the keys and disclose what he knows.
A major challenge for Panetta and Obama will be the support for Kappes from Senator Diane Feinstein, the incoming Chair for the Senate Select Committee for Intelligence. Feinstein’s initial support for Kappes promotion to CIA Director suggests that she will be a major Congressional backer of intelligence insiders.

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Wednesday, December 31, 2008

U.S. man pleads guilty to acting as agent for Israel

By Daniel Trotta and Randall Mikkelsen - NEW YORK/WASHINGTON (Reuters) - An 85-year-old former U.S. Army employee pleaded guilty on Tuesday to acting as an unregistered agent of Israel and admitted he gave classified documents to the Jewish state in the 1980s.

Court documents show the defendant, Ben-Ami Kadish, reported to the same handler as Jonathan Pollard, an American who spied for Israel in the 1980s and triggered a scandal that rocked U.S.-Israeli relations.

Kadish's plea indicates the Israeli spy network that obtained U.S. nuclear secrets through Pollard spread further than previously acknowledged.

It comes as the Bush administration considers a new request by Pollard for a commutation of his life sentence.

Prosecutors say Ben-Ami Kadish provided classified documents, including some relating to U.S. missile defense systems, to an Israeli agent, Yosef Yagur, who photographed the documents at Kadish's residence.

Yagur was one of Pollard's handlers, according to court documents.From 1980 to 1985, Yagur asked Kadish to obtain classified documents, which Kadish retrieved from the U.S. Army's Picatinny Arsenal in Dover, New Jersey, according to Kadish's sworn statement.

Pollard, a former U.S. Navy intelligence analyst, is serving life in prison term after pleading guilty to spying for Israel in 1986. His case has led Jews in the United States and Israel to plea for clemency and a new request by Pollard is under Bush administration review.

Israel gave Pollard citizenship in 1996 and acknowledged he was one of its spies in 1998.

Though the United States and Israel are close allies, the Pollard case revealed how the thirst for intelligence trumped that friendship.

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